The surprises of patriarchy

Enloe brings up a lot of thought-provoking ideas in the first 2 chapters of The Curious Feminist. She actually explains what it means to be a curious feminist, and why being curious is actually a very advantageous quality. What I found most intriguing was her analysis of how being uncurious is actually something that people in power take into consideration and take advantage of. She says, “I’ve come to think that making and keeping us uncurious must serve somebody’s political purpose”(3). And I agree with that—maintaining uncurious, uninterested people in society is something people in power, want. Patriarchy, for instance, has been overlooked as a major problem for centuries. It’s the “structural and ideological system that perpetuates the privilege of masculinity” (4). Now, when Enloe said this, she made things a much more understandable. She went into detail about how patriarchy as a system is not just made up of men and of the masculine. But society, the public, people in general all serve some purpose in this system. And the battle between men and women continues within it. Why is masculinity privileged? Why, in order to sustain gender hierarchy do you need the “feminized feminine”?

"Seeing patriarchy, even misogyny, is not enough. In each instance we need to know exactly how it works and whether, even if continuing, it has been contested"(18). We can hear so much about what happened at Columbine High School or women getting raped in Bosnia or Kosovo--it isn't just about hearing these stories, these realities. It's about acknowledging them and being curious about them. Asking questions about patriarchy, about misogyny, and why or how it works can lead to eye-opening discoveries. The Curious Feminist must continue to learn and ask these questions so we can continue discovering new ideas and create opinions. If WE don't...who will?

News Flash: Law & Order SVU to make an episode based on Duke Fuck List

It’s always the same when it comes to sleeping around: the double standard. We tend to “live” by this rule. Guys are studs while girls are sluts. The senior from Duke University probably never thought she would be seen as a slut. But once her PowerPoint “thesis” titled “An education beyond the classroom: excelling in the realm of horizontal academics” went viral, people immediately deemed her as a slut.

The Duke “Fuck List” is senior Karen Owen’s PowerPoint fake mock thesis of her sexual encounters with baseball, tennis, and lacrosse student athletes from Duke University. It includes names, pictures, and ratings of each of the men. The evaluation included physical attractiveness, size, talent, creativity, aggressiveness, entertainment, athletic ability, and a bonus category.

This list however could make the guys on it feel empowered; if they got a high rating that is. Many articles claim that the guys on the list were furious, especially the lacrosse team since they didn’t need any extra publicity. And this can be seen as a case of sexism for those who didn’t get such a high rating. But these are the people that others want to be like: the macho student athletes who get with a lot of girls. They are seen as the “top dogs” on campuses.

And now “Law & Order SVU” is going to air an episode inspired by this “Fuck List.” SVU’s Daniel Truly said that the episode will focus around: “’Caitlin Lamarck’ is a twenty-something-year-old working at an advertising agency in New York City, who makes the PowerPoint about the employees she sleeps with and then winds up dead at a party” (Morrissey, 2010).

Owen’s pointed out that “frats make lists like this all the time” (Morrissey, 2010). So are we obsessing over this just because a girl made it, since girls having too much sex is seen as not right. Or is it because this shows us that women can be just as aggressive and sexually active as their male counterparts? Or was it because alcohol was involved in almost every incident? As a society, we need to obtain a position where women and men can be held to the same standards.

News Flash: Emily Messing

“Rather than society’s aberrants or ‘spoilers of purity,’ men who commit rape have served in effect as front-line masculine shock troops, terrorist guerrillas in the longest sustained battle the world has ever known” (Brownmiller, 282). Unfortunately, Brownmiller’s words can be applied in a more literal sense when considering the war crimes that Jean-Pierre Bemba’s militia committed during a campaign in Central African Republic. Similar to “the Bosnian Rapes” Bemba’s militia is being charged with mass rape in addition to looting cities and killing civilians (Simons). Rape during war times cannot be excused as simply being the result of a soldier’s sexuality being determined by uncontrolled drives (Enloe, 119) but more accurately as a method in which power is exercised (Brownmiller, 272). Rape is a military device in which dominance is asserted and the victims are left feeling disempowered.

Prosecutors are building a case against Jean-Pierre Bemba for his command over the militia that conducted a “campaign of rape, murder and torture in the Central African Republic in 2002 and 2003” (Simons). Previously the vice president of the Congo, Bemba is currently acting as a leader of a political party after loosing in the 2006 election. Bemba has pleaded not guilty to the charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity that are being held against him. Not only have prosecutors claimed that Bemba had full control over the militia and was well informed of its actions, but that Bemba also held “sham trails” after his militia had been accused of wrongful acts, in which Bemba pretended to prosecute the perpetrators (Simons). This act of holding “sham trails” indicates that these crimes were in fact committed and were acknowledged as worthy of punishment.

Simons notes how Bemba’s arrest has caused an uproar in the Congo because many were surprised that such a powerful figure such as Bemba could be taken into custody (Simons). It is a common belief that political leaders are in place in order to ensure stability, however, as Enloe notes, “rape causes political outrage and political embarrassment” (Enloe, 119). Therefore the fact that a military leader such as Bemba is being convicted of leading a militia that is accused of mass rape has dismantled the illusion of stability that Congo’s militia had been maintaining. Unfortunately the occurrence of rape during military campaigns is relatively common.

One explanation for its repeated occurrence is that rape is a means of asserting control. As Brownmiller explains, “rape is ‘nothing more or less than a conscious process of intimidation by which all men keep all women in a state of fear’” (Brownmiller, 272). By creating an atmosphere of fear and anxiety the soldiers are more readily able to accomplish their goals. Therefore, it is not a surprise that it has been suggested that the rapes conducted by Bemba’s militia were used as a war strategy (Simons).

Although we are tempted to focus on war being a power struggle between two opposing armies; it is important to consider what effects war has on the civilians at home who are facing dangers analogous to those encountered on the front lines, especially the women. Women’s sexuality has always been a major component of the military. A main example was how women living during times of war were constantly elevated “as mothers-of-soldiering sons, [and valued] chiefly for their maternal sacrifices for the nation” (Enloe, 107). Thus, by enemies coming in and raping their opponent’s daughters and wives, they are inhibiting the opponents’ ability to create future generations. Not only do the women have to suffer the loss of men that they loved, when militias like Bemba’s coming through their towns, but the act of being raped is something that will affect the women for the rest of their lives. “There will be thousands of women who will attempt to reimagine what it means to be feminine in a postwar society…who will devise ways to come to terms with having been raped or with having lived in fear of being raped” (Enloe, 118). The rape culture that has been generated by militias using rape as a war strategy has resulted in women living in constant fear at the threat of being raped (Brownmiller).

Not only did Bemba’s militia rape women and girls in front of their families, on their rampage through the Central African Republic, but “also men and important elders to publicly debase them” (Simons). The act of raping another individual can be viewed as a declaration of power over the victim. The concept of masculinity has been closely linked with male’s performance as a solider (Enloe, 106) and if men are unable to defend themselves as soldiers against their enemies, they have essentially been emasculated.

When an army is charged with mass rape, there is a high likelihood that group rapes occurred. A study conducted by Menachem Amir found that “Sexual humiliation ran higher in group rapes than in individual rapes, and the most common form of extra insult in group rape was repeated intercourse” (Brownmiller, 281). What is interesting about Amir study is that he also found that “71 percent of rapes were planned” (Brownmiller, 179). This statistic indicates that there is a high probability that Bemba’s militia did in fact use rape as part of their planned strategy of attack. Group rape again brings up the concept of masculinity being closely tied with the military. “[Group rape] is proof, too, of male bonding…and proof of a desire to humiliate the victim beyond the act of rape through the process of anonymous mass assault” (Brownmiller, 281). Group rape is a form of oppression and abuse that I feel should most definitely be charged as a crime against humanity in addition to a war crime.

Simons notes that in trails similar to Bemba’s there is usually an issue with being able to prove that the commander has authority over the militia, but in the this specific case, there is little hesitation to make that assumption (Simons). As Enloe notes, during times of war, “steps were taken by male superiors to lower the ‘psychological stress’ they believed would be experience by the men on killing assignments” (Enloe, 112), therefore the commanders can be held responsible for the inexplicable actions of their soldiers. Soldiers are convinced that “their own manhood will be fully validated only if they perform as soldiers” (Enloe, 108) and if that means following the command to rape women, that is what most of these soldiers are unfortunately going to do.

The case of Bemba’s militia being charged with mass rape during a campaign in the Central African Republic brings many questions to the surface surrounding militaries’ actions. A major fallacy about the military is “that rape is discouraged” (Enloe, 120). However, prostitution is provided to the soldiers because it is a common belief that soldiers need a sexual outlet, and if they are able to get this from the local women, they will be less likely to commit acts of rape that could be considered a war crime. However, by encouraging the belief that soldiers need a sexual outlet, it is provided an excuse for their actions. The military is a necessary aspect of societies today and has been for centuries, it when acts like the one’s Bemba’s militia is being charged with, makes us question the concept of national security versus humans rights. We do not want our security to come at the expense of others rights. No man or women should have to be a victim of rape, and we can just hope that Bemba and his militia will be found guilty of the charges against them.

Works Cited

Brownmiller, Susan. “Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape.” Feminism in our Time. By Miriam Schneir. New York: Random House Inc., 1994. N. pag. Print.

Enloe, Cynthia. The Curious Feminist. London: University of California, 2004. Print.

Simons, Marlise. “War Crimes Trial Begins for Congolese Politician.” The New York Times. N.p., n.d. Web. 28 Nov. 2010. .

News Flash: [Abortion: a woman's right or a religious No-No?]

Courtney Miller

News Flash

In the United States we tend to think of abortion as a universal procedure where it is basically the same process in other countries as well. This is a common misconception. In other countries, there could be differences in laws according to the mother’s trimester, economic stature, social situation, etc. So unlike the United States which gives women the right to choose whether they want an abortion or not, in places like Thailand for example, this luxury does not exist. I have found two recent articles both touching upon the latest scandal in Bangkok revolving around abortions. One online article I came across, I had no intention of using it in my paper, but being recent news and extremely relevant to class, I thought it necessary. It’s titled, “Abortion reform is up against Buddhism in Thailand”, an article written by Andrew Chambers. It discusses the religious issues that are raised along the topic of abortion in Thailand. And the other article, I was originally going to use from The New York Times is titled, “Thai Police Find 2,000 Illegally Aborted Fetuses”, written by Seth Mydans. There was a discovery of 2,000 fetuses from illegal abortions stored in a temple at Bangkok. And the article speaks on who was responsible and how this came about. In this news flash I plan to focus on why abortion laws are so different in the U.S compared to in Thailand and the social, historical and religious factors surrounding this scandal. I will be sharing my personal opinion on the issue as well.

Neighbors began complaining of a smell and found an old Buddhist temple to be the source. Society is outraged and is just now trying to figure out how to handle the situation at hand. What I found to be most interesting is that in Thailand, there are some instances where abortion is legal, and others where it is illegal. Abortion is only permitted in cases of rape or physical risk to a woman’s health. This is quite different in the U.S. and I am thankful for that. We have the choice to decided whether we want an abortion or not, for reasons we don’t have to explain to anyone. I couldn’t imagine having to make a decision like that on anyone else’s behalf but my own and the people who care about me. However for women in Thailand, I can imagine their experience to be much different. In a country where abortion is technically illegal, what happens to a woman when she has personal reasons to have one, and she has no outlet? No clinic that can legally take her? No friends or family to rely on? She must obviously do what she needs to do, and risk community exposure and alienation from peers in order to do so. However, Thailand is a Buddhist country, and “many people are generally conservative on sexual matters. (Chambers).” That being said, most women prefer to have the abortion done in a private setting where they are in and out and don’t have to worry about it. This is when the temple that stored the fetuses comes into play.

In Theravada Buddhism, abortion is recognized as a “sin”. This framing of abortion as a sin still has a very significant influence on the people of Thailand, considering 95% of the population is Buddhist (Chambers). So if getting an abortion means being looked down upon in society, most women are extremely fearful and hesitant to go through with it. I think a major problem concerning this issue is the fact that the abortion laws are ancient—and have been going unchanged since 1956. An amendment was proposed in 1981 though, which would legalize abortions in the case of “mental wellbeing, congenital abnormalities and contraceptive failure”, but the strict Major General Chamlong Srimuang, who is extremely religious, created a coalition against the amendment and lobbied against it. The scandal has sparked major discussions and possible changes to this ancient law but people are saying little is likely to change.

The United States’ approach to abortion took a slightly different route. In class, we discuss Roe v. Wade on a regular basis. In Feminism in Our Time, there is a section devoted to the Roe vs. Wade Court Decision. In Texas in the 1960’s, abortion was illegal except in the case of saving the life of the pregnant woman. Three women, McCorvey, Coffee, and Weddington got together in an abortion lawsuit. In 1970 they filed a suit challenging Texas’ constitutionality on their antiabortion law, and other states similar laws. In the end, it was decided 7 to 2 that women indeed do have the right to an abortion during the first trimester and have mildly limited rights in the second trimester. It has ever since been called “a major contribution to the preservation of individual liberties”. The rest of the section includes details about the Constitution and the amendments, as well as a history of abortion laws, among them the question of when a fetus is recognized as a “person”. I find it interesting that even 40 years ago, the United States was ahead of its time regarding abortions and Thailand was merely allowing women to get abortions on the strictest terms.

In Listen Up, a piece written by Inga Muscio called Abortion, Vacuum Cleaners, and the Power Within, recounts the three abortions Inga went through and how she coped with the horrifying experiences. It’s hard to imagine what the women in Thailand must have been thinking when they go through with illegal abortions. So many factors must have contributed to the shame and guilt they must feel as they get the procedure done. And this is a similarity Thailand shares with the U.S, and among other countries as well. Women don’t enjoy getting abortions—it isn’t something any woman feels good about doing. Yes, it is a huge weight lifted off a woman’s shoulders, and yes, in certain circumstances it is sometimes the best option but everywhere is the world, no matter what the situation, we all feel a sense of emptiness after the fact. However, women in Thailand don’t have all the outlets that we do. Since openness about sexuality is frowned upon in this country, it’s extremely difficult for a woman to have the necessary outlet to get the procedure done. They must go to people that provide illegal abortions and then whatever is done with the fetus, is not their problem.

I think it’s interesting how religion isn’t taken into consideration nearly as much in Western culture. Maybe if more emphasis were put on religion, the United States would have just as much of a problem as Thailand with illegal abortions taking place. However, if the U.S had a similar policy, the same problems would arise. Women would feel alienated and will fear public scrutiny, let alone knowing that they will be breaking the law.

I find it uncomforting that the women of Thailand have to go through this alone. Inga had friends and family to support her in her decision. She states, with a "core of supportive women surrounding me and with my mind made up, I was pretty much invincible"(Muscio, 116). I doubt any women of Thailand feel this feeling. Judith Arcana seems to agree in her article, “Abortion is a Motherhood Issue”. She says we can't speak of abortions "in the atmosphere of guilt and shame created by the spiritual and emotional terrorism of the contemporary anti-abortion movement"(227). I feel that if women had more private ways to deal with unwanted pregnancies, abortion may not divide our country as much, let alone other countries with illegitimate rules.

Women could make their own decisions without having to advertise it to the rest of their communities. Furthermore, protestors could not interrupt a private moment within someone’s life. Overall, I think abortions should be decided for or against on an individual basis within the privacy of one’s home. The decision is monumental for women and also potentially upsetting to many people; if left in the privacy of one’s home I think women could reunite and focus on more pressing matters in society.

Works Cited

n Chambers, Andrew. "Abortion Reform Is up against Buddhism in Thailand." The Guardian. 25 Nov. 2010. Web. 1 Dec. 2010. .

n Findlen, Barbara. Listen Up: Voices from the next Feminist Generation. Seattle, WA: Seal, 2001. Print.

n Mydans, Seth. "Thai Police Find 2,000 Illegally Aborted Fetuses - NY Times Health | E! Science News." E! Science News | Latest Science News Articles. 19 Nov. 2010. Web. 01 Dec. 2010. .

n Arcana, Judith, “Abortion is a Motherhood Issue”.

Foreign Feminism

I think that the issue of the responsibility of American women to work towards the rights for all women world-wide is a tough concept to deal with. On the one hand I do agree with Bunch, in the sense that in America women have progressed so much in relation to what conditions used to be like for them, but we have to remember that we are far from obtaining true equality in the United States. The difficult part for me is that Americans are constantly being accused of trying to implement their beliefs and ideals on people in all other countries. Therefore, I think that it is a very delicate position that American feminists are faced with. I really liked how Abu-Lughod said how we need to "accept the possibility of difference. Can we only free Afghan women to be like us or might we have to recognize that even after 'liberation' from the Taliban, they might want different things than we would want for them?" (Abu-Lughod). That is a really concept that we need to grasp, and a theme that we have seen continuously arising throughout the semester; that all women regardless of their backgrounds need to band together for change rather than pit themselves against each other.

I also found it interesting how all three readings addressed westerns' obsession with the idea of the veil. To us we cannot fathom having to wear something everyday that we view as oppressive, but what we need to come to recognize is that these women are wearing it because it has become a part of their culture and most times their religious beliefs.

I thought that Enloe did a much better job of addressing the issues surrounding 9/11 than Bunch did. There are obviously so many different perspectives and a variety of groups being affected in the aftermath of 9/11 and I think that we need to approach one issue at a time. I thought that Bunt was overly aggressive in her critique of American feminist's responses to 9/11, although she did bring up some relevant points about the intentions of the war in Iraq. However, I felt as though Enloe articulated her points in a much more approachable manner and allowed the reader to not feel as though they were being forced fed beliefs. It was interesting to hear the story of the Afghan women who was deputy minister whose son was beaten because of her position in the new leadership (Enloe 278). It just proves how much work there still is to be done even years after the fall of the Taliban. That being said, we do need to remember that not all countries wish to be the United States, and although we should offer our aid, we need to be careful to not implement our belief system and cultural practices on them.