“Rather than society’s aberrants or ‘spoilers of purity,’ men who commit rape have served in effect as front-line masculine shock troops, terrorist guerrillas in the longest sustained battle the world has ever known” (Brownmiller, 282). Unfortunately, Brownmiller’s words can be applied in a more literal sense when considering the war crimes that Jean-Pierre Bemba’s militia committed during a campaign in Central African Republic. Similar to “the Bosnian Rapes” Bemba’s militia is being charged with mass rape in addition to looting cities and killing civilians (Simons). Rape during war times cannot be excused as simply being the result of a soldier’s sexuality being determined by uncontrolled drives (Enloe, 119) but more accurately as a method in which power is exercised (Brownmiller, 272). Rape is a military device in which dominance is asserted and the victims are left feeling disempowered.
Prosecutors are building a case against Jean-Pierre Bemba for his command over the militia that conducted a “campaign of rape, murder and torture in the Central African Republic in 2002 and 2003” (Simons). Previously the vice president of the Congo, Bemba is currently acting as a leader of a political party after loosing in the 2006 election. Bemba has pleaded not guilty to the charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity that are being held against him. Not only have prosecutors claimed that Bemba had full control over the militia and was well informed of its actions, but that Bemba also held “sham trails” after his militia had been accused of wrongful acts, in which Bemba pretended to prosecute the perpetrators (Simons). This act of holding “sham trails” indicates that these crimes were in fact committed and were acknowledged as worthy of punishment.
Simons notes how Bemba’s arrest has caused an uproar in the Congo because many were surprised that such a powerful figure such as Bemba could be taken into custody (Simons). It is a common belief that political leaders are in place in order to ensure stability, however, as Enloe notes, “rape causes political outrage and political embarrassment” (Enloe, 119). Therefore the fact that a military leader such as Bemba is being convicted of leading a militia that is accused of mass rape has dismantled the illusion of stability that Congo’s militia had been maintaining. Unfortunately the occurrence of rape during military campaigns is relatively common.
One explanation for its repeated occurrence is that rape is a means of asserting control. As Brownmiller explains, “rape is ‘nothing more or less than a conscious process of intimidation by which all men keep all women in a state of fear’” (Brownmiller, 272). By creating an atmosphere of fear and anxiety the soldiers are more readily able to accomplish their goals. Therefore, it is not a surprise that it has been suggested that the rapes conducted by Bemba’s militia were used as a war strategy (Simons).
Although we are tempted to focus on war being a power struggle between two opposing armies; it is important to consider what effects war has on the civilians at home who are facing dangers analogous to those encountered on the front lines, especially the women. Women’s sexuality has always been a major component of the military. A main example was how women living during times of war were constantly elevated “as mothers-of-soldiering sons, [and valued] chiefly for their maternal sacrifices for the nation” (Enloe, 107). Thus, by enemies coming in and raping their opponent’s daughters and wives, they are inhibiting the opponents’ ability to create future generations. Not only do the women have to suffer the loss of men that they loved, when militias like Bemba’s coming through their towns, but the act of being raped is something that will affect the women for the rest of their lives. “There will be thousands of women who will attempt to reimagine what it means to be feminine in a postwar society…who will devise ways to come to terms with having been raped or with having lived in fear of being raped” (Enloe, 118). The rape culture that has been generated by militias using rape as a war strategy has resulted in women living in constant fear at the threat of being raped (Brownmiller).
Not only did Bemba’s militia rape women and girls in front of their families, on their rampage through the Central African Republic, but “also men and important elders to publicly debase them” (Simons). The act of raping another individual can be viewed as a declaration of power over the victim. The concept of masculinity has been closely linked with male’s performance as a solider (Enloe, 106) and if men are unable to defend themselves as soldiers against their enemies, they have essentially been emasculated.
When an army is charged with mass rape, there is a high likelihood that group rapes occurred. A study conducted by Menachem Amir found that “Sexual humiliation ran higher in group rapes than in individual rapes, and the most common form of extra insult in group rape was repeated intercourse” (Brownmiller, 281). What is interesting about Amir study is that he also found that “71 percent of rapes were planned” (Brownmiller, 179). This statistic indicates that there is a high probability that Bemba’s militia did in fact use rape as part of their planned strategy of attack. Group rape again brings up the concept of masculinity being closely tied with the military. “[Group rape] is proof, too, of male bonding…and proof of a desire to humiliate the victim beyond the act of rape through the process of anonymous mass assault” (Brownmiller, 281). Group rape is a form of oppression and abuse that I feel should most definitely be charged as a crime against humanity in addition to a war crime.
Simons notes that in trails similar to Bemba’s there is usually an issue with being able to prove that the commander has authority over the militia, but in the this specific case, there is little hesitation to make that assumption (Simons). As Enloe notes, during times of war, “steps were taken by male superiors to lower the ‘psychological stress’ they believed would be experience by the men on killing assignments” (Enloe, 112), therefore the commanders can be held responsible for the inexplicable actions of their soldiers. Soldiers are convinced that “their own manhood will be fully validated only if they perform as soldiers” (Enloe, 108) and if that means following the command to rape women, that is what most of these soldiers are unfortunately going to do.
The case of Bemba’s militia being charged with mass rape during a campaign in the Central African Republic brings many questions to the surface surrounding militaries’ actions. A major fallacy about the military is “that rape is discouraged” (Enloe, 120). However, prostitution is provided to the soldiers because it is a common belief that soldiers need a sexual outlet, and if they are able to get this from the local women, they will be less likely to commit acts of rape that could be considered a war crime. However, by encouraging the belief that soldiers need a sexual outlet, it is provided an excuse for their actions. The military is a necessary aspect of societies today and has been for centuries, it when acts like the one’s Bemba’s militia is being charged with, makes us question the concept of national security versus humans rights. We do not want our security to come at the expense of others rights. No man or women should have to be a victim of rape, and we can just hope that Bemba and his militia will be found guilty of the charges against them.
Works Cited
Brownmiller, Susan. “Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape.” Feminism in our Time. By Miriam Schneir. New York: Random House Inc., 1994. N. pag. Print.
Enloe, Cynthia. The Curious Feminist. London: University of California, 2004. Print.
Simons, Marlise. “War Crimes Trial Begins for Congolese Politician.” The New York Times. N.p., n.d. Web. 28 Nov. 2010.
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